The Economics of the Second Sex, 1974, page 4

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sufficiently educated, traned, or otherwise equipped to occupy a place
in today's highly technical economy calling for skilled workers.

These "structuralists” called for massive retraining for programs to
pinpoint employment opportunities or relocate industries, and for all
kinds of micro—economic policies to place specific people in specific
jobs. Opposing them, the aggregate demand diagnosticians argued that
all we had to do was to increase total employment- Then everybody
would sooner or later find a job, whether or not specific retraining.
programs or anything else had been undertaken.

These arguments were not repeated during the recession which began
in 1970. _But, as in the earlier period, some people explained un—.
employment in terms of the structure of the labor force, although no
one claimed that it was untrained or unskilled. But, these people
pointed out, the labor force structure was at fault. The trouble with
it, in the most recent period, the reason there were so many unemployed
people, was that the labor force contained so many women.

For some reason, this explanation annoyed me. As an economist, and
particularly as an economist who had been saying all af her life that
women were people, that there was no such thing askwomén economists,
there were just economists who happened to be women, I was truly
"irritated with a so—called economic explanation couched in terms of the
sex of the labor force. I could not make any economic heads or tails
of this. So I began looking into the details of unemployment statistics,
about which I knew nothing.

My research was disgracefully simple. I went to the Wellesley
College library and looked for the data which support the articles and

statistics reported in the Monthly Labor Review, the official publication