Unknown Speaker 00:09 I think we're gonna I think we're gonna try to start because we're all a little too long winded as we if we're going to have time for discussion, which I'm really excited about it as being the most important part of this workshop, because I sort of feel like I already know what I'm going to tell you, but I don't know what you're doing. Tell me. We should start. And I just wanted to briefly introduce introduce who we are. I'm a teen, an astronaut at Marion. And we want to try to use our individual research on women in the 20s and the 30s magazines on Jewish women rhinitis on housewives and female white collar workers, and my non sexual politics and population policy kind of debate as to maybe the discussion, we're not going to do this for you points with some possibilities for what might be feminist strategies in a time of political and economic crisis, maybe to look at what different definitions and interpretations of resistance might be, or might mean, you know, what are the multiple forms that resistance could take? The kind of ambivalence is in contradiction that are involved circumscribe as those possibilities, RFI class, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, all those differences. I don't know, I was telling everybody last night that we have sort of our usual division of labor Schieffer, which is that I'm going to talk about sex marriage to talk about students. And we're not going to talk about the dielectric. Unknown Speaker 01:53 That's what, that's what this Unknown Speaker 01:55 is about. And I'm going to try to since I was on the planning committee, I'm very conscious of what the planning committee wasn't to do it. So I will just read through the pledges that the planning committee have thought up for us to address also so maybe you have them in your mind and can see it as to whether or not we managed to deal with them. And you can ask questions about them also, in the questions that we had originally dreamt up were what are the mechanisms and dynamics of control over women? What has been the role of the right in attempts to control women? What are some of the Contradictions Among the right groups? To what extent is control part of public policy or social institutions? And to what extent do women internalize and perpetuate their own control? How to class racial, ethnic and sexual orientations? Cetera, cetera, et cetera, differences among women affects the imposition and experience of control. And finally, this is the biggie, under what circumstances do women organize, to resist control? And why under some circumstances are they are we unable to resist? You? Know, otherwise, I'll never get that. Okay, and you now, I also tell you that we have this rather secure, supportive sister in the audience. We did somewhat traumatic robbery in our apartment last night and I spent most of the night calming myself down by continuing to write. It's just kept getting longer and longer. So if I'm a little jumpy with a screen, bear with me. Okay, now our title was crisis reaction distance. Now what I'm what I mean by crisis, in terms of my the things I want to say about sexual politics, and population policy is specifically that general political, social, economic and population crisis that shook Germany after its defeat in the First World War, and they peaked in the depression years 1929 to 33, which finally, as we all know, culminated in the coming to power the National Socialists, now, against specifically in terms of population crisis, which is a part of that general crisis. What I'm arguing is that Weimar, the Weimar Republic, Weimar, Germany experienced the development of what I think can be called a new woman, and a new family, particularly a new proletarian family, which were phenomena that really reflected reacted corresponding to the change economic and political circumstances of the Republic. Because I think you could say that the new woman was the product of the mobilization of female labor in the First World War, that he was a new woman and that she was accustomed to wage labor now industrial wage labor to managing a household without a male presence. She just been granted suffrage and an increased role in public political life. And in that sense, it was feared that she would be a threat to an official state population policy, which, especially after the war was based on dedicated and informed motherhood, and directed towards replacing the man power losses of the war, and also on a more social level, healing the ravages to health and morality that have been precipitated by war, rebellion, inflation, economic crisis. And it was a real fear that the polarization of experience between men and women during the war that is women on the homefront and men in the trenches, as well as women growing potential for economic independence, would cause a crisis of marriage and reproduction. And, again, the population crisis, the birth rate in Germany has been steadily declining since the middle of the 19th century. This was nothing new. But only after the First World War does it really seem to be a massive phenomenon among the working class. And only then, in fact, as it begins to arouse public and government concern about the survival of the fault, right, and the labor and the military capacities of the next generation, and the sort of traditionally large crass birth rate differential between rich and poor was narrowing, so that the working class was no longer doing what it was supposed to be doing, which was to constantly reproduce the next generation of workers. Unknown Speaker 06:42 And women didn't women in fact, continue to matter, despite the fears that they married in greater numbers than they'd ever married before, and they did steal their children. But families did become this very distinctly and intentionally. This is the key what smaller effects. According to the 1925 centers, working class families, average only 3.9 3.9 people per household, which was which is very small compared to sort of our traditional image of this large, Korea, you know, sort of pre World War One. And working class family and the new woman, I would say, was not only sort of the image we know from the movies, and you all know her from the movie, whether you think about Weimar, and not not only sort of the intellectual woman, but just management, you know, very harsh haircut, or the young white collar worker, you know, in a flatter outfit having an affair with the boss. But she was also a young married factory worker, not so glamorous at all, who was changing her life and that she nationally cooked one more meal a day because she didn't have time to bake anymore. She didn't can anymore. She also cut her hair short into who becomes practical shorthair wouldn't get put into machines. And, and this is important for us. Try by all available means and really at any price to keep her family small, which I think we can say was really a reproductive survival strategy. And I hate using this word, but in a modernizing in, quote, society that is increasingly urbanized with an acute housing shortage, and a significant proportion of married women doing wage labor. And all of these trends intensified during the depression with this really massive unemployment. And I think it goes right to say that the depression particularly affected women, not only victims desire employment, which was the fate they shared with men, but because it also meant an intensification of the labor of housework, right what we've come to call housework, on a material level, you know, when social social reproduction services such as health care, food production, canteen lunches, whatever will we privatize into the individual house household, and women will now more responsible than before with less resources, and also on an emotional level that there was an increase in sort of psychic housework, as women will call the contract stabilize the family in this turbulent time to sue the tensions about employment and also to mediate the conflict, which they were blamed for causing this to proceed economic competition for jobs between men and women during this period. And one of the effects of this was that by 1931, which was the height of the Depression, it was an estimated it was estimated that there were about 1 million abortions being performed annually which was larger this is become familiar to us now. It's not so shocking, but it was very shocking then we 1 million which was higher than the than the number of live births, with a bad at least 10 to 12,000 women a year dying from it illegal abortions, that averages out to at least two abortions for every German woman. Which means that many women had a lot more than that. And that those unfortunate statistics really became a symbol for, you know what I'm calling the population crisis. So that the decline in the birth rate and the abortions that were preceded that crisis and population crisis and also in the second is important for us, really the crisis of political legitimacy. We're going to go through all this. Because Because I think women's loyalty to sort of traditional sex roles and their willingness to procreate, and socialized children, and nurture the family unit, were really seen as symbolic of the system of the society, basic legitimacy, in other words, being able to provide for families and the reproduction of the next generation. So very clearly in the, you know, in the 20s, and the early 30s, abortion, birth control and sexuality in general, what Absolutely, explosively overdetermined issue is what Alan Hunter is now calling in terms of today calling abortion a compressed symbol, I think that probably we're saying the same thing. Because those issues really weren't emblematic was seen as being emblematic of the stability and the legitimacy of the entire social fabric. Unknown Speaker 11:29 So it's clear that particularly the working class was trying to cope with this crisis. And maybe that level of their strategy, their reproductive strategies, maybe we can even think of it as the other side of trade unionism and class struggle, I could work this out more on an individual family level by family limitation, mostly, using abortion and colitis, interrupted as the major methods of birth control, but increasingly also using mechanical and chemical means. Okay, that's the crisis very briefly. Now we haven't we have the reaction, right. Okay. And in talking about the reaction, quickly, what I want to do is really try to outline the mechanisms and dynamics of control of women and their bodies, and also the multiple contradictions that existed in public policy and social institutions in controlling women. In fact, they will often opposing goals, you know, going on simultaneously. And I think, what we can call really a power struggle among the states political parties, for command doctors for control of women's bodies and reproductive functions. It's very complicated, because it is so ambiguous and so contradictory, as we're finding out today, and obviously, also, we really have an we have to distinguish between sort of the level of prescriptive and sort of state and social institutions, prescription and prescription and the actual reality of how women and families were responded. Okay, but just quickly, in terms of, I think, the layers of control that women were subjected to an interacted with just the level of the state, right, we have sort of direct state control in terms of repressive laws, such as prohibition on any abortions that are not strictly medically indicated. This is a very famous paragraph to a tee, and also a prohibition on the advertising and publicizing the birth control any kind of birth control, even though it was legal to sell it, but not to advertise it. Now, clearly, this sort of repressive legislation was part of a population policy that favors large families. And it was a negative negative policy. There were other positive incentives were considered, but not legislative such as this had to wait to the Nazis, such as tax incentives for large families or a parents or maternal insurance, which they wanted to finance by taxing single people, or childless couples Watch out folks come in with such incentives were really flooded by the fact that the economic situation is very bad. I mean, we have a situation in which is state we'd really like to enforce the population policy. But it's quite among other things, in the contradiction that it simply doesn't have the economic means or thinks it doesn't have economic means by which to do. Okay, that's sort of a direct legislative state level. Then there's other forms of state control, some of them legislative, some matters of public policy, which are less direct, for example, housing policies, which also work in very contradictory ways. On the one hand, the state was able to control a lot of the housing market different than in the United States. So there was an attempt to give priority to large families in a very restricted housing market, okay, so that you think that they was lifestyle I, on the other hand, a lot of the new housing that was built during the stable supprimer, from about 25 to 29. housing projects that were built by socialist trade unions and city governments were built with the quote unquote, new nuclear heterosexual family in mind, in other words, a mommy and a daddy and his most two children. So that and that, again, would encourage people to use birth control of health policy. Right, a tremendous issue for enforcing a population politics was tremendously contradictory, reflecting the tensions between a conservative right and a socialist communist working class left. Though, on the one hand, it reflected those tensions on the other hand, which I wanted to do the very end, I think I want to stress that both right and left share a certain kind of commitment to what later I want to call a motherhood eugenics consensus. In other words, they shared a commitment to the importance of protecting motherhood and healthy offspring eugenics. So okay, but just very quickly, different kinds of again, you'll see how really contradictory a lot of diseases would not have been explained to us later that contradictions are okay, and they make the world go round. Unknown Speaker 16:24 So on the one hand, there was there was the attempt certainly to encourage childbearing with social welfare so that social institutions providing health services prenatal maternity, infant health clinics, school health services, legislative level, that law for the protection of motherhood, which gave in shooting 1927, which gave insured workers three quarters of their wage, for weeks prior and six weeks post delivery, which was the most advanced except the Soviet Union it most advanced maternity legislation in the world, Unknown Speaker 16:57 but still was very limited. Unknown Speaker 17:01 All of this to encourage shopping, on the other hand, a law like the 1927 law against the prevention of venereal disease, for the prevention of which was one of the great goals of the bourgeois feminist movement in Germany, really encourage birth control, because it was the first time that it was possible to really actively advertise at least condoms because kind of against, we're against VB. But as we know, they often have other functions. And in fact that in some big cities economy, you know, those machines you see in the bathroom, they started installing, much to the dismay of many people. And the other thing, and this, I think, is also really significant in terms of state real clear state intervention. 1926 depression in the Saxon state government issued decrees, by which they set up official marriage counseling centers, official state run marriage counseling centers, this didn't start with the Nazis, whose purpose was definitely not to provide less info, but to offer eugenic eugenic counseling to people, prospective mates and parents on their fitness for procreation, right, well, could they be unfit parents that fit or unfit? Now, obviously, this is a policy that potentially could work both ways. It could discourage childbearing because you will discover that you had this horrible pregnancy. But our hope was that it would generally improve childbearing because it would alleviate people's hopes it would give them access to some kind of health care, and it would also bring them into contact with people who would propagandize childrearing to them. So that's another thing that the government did very directly. So you see, the government is being pulled both ways because they're caught population experts who consult the government, or they were caught between the DEA to promote large families on the one hand, which they thought were necessary to the strength of the state, and on the other hand, the need to promote eugenic health, as well as the general sort of precarious economic situation, which didn't allow for them to maintain many of the services that would have been necessary. Now, finally, what this did was that in the early 1930s, before the Nazis came to power, this led to serious consideration of massive so called voluntary sterilization as a really as a cost efficient method of crisis management. In other words, it was a way of easing the burden on social welfare institutions and, you know, very familiar complete with, you know, tables and tabulations of how expensive it was for the state to support. We parted, crippled, delinquent children, as compared to the minimal expensive simply sterilizing the socially or physically unfit. Now, what that meant is this is important in terms of what happens later. This is pre Nazi remember, this man and this meant the urging of really a selective welfare policy that only tried to serve and rehabilitate those who had what they considered a realistic possibility of achieving a socially productive life, while only maintaining that is warehousing. So too, would never be anything but a burden, right? And until the next generation, when presumably all of these people, you know, would have been gone anyway, right. Which was also the basis for very for selective population policy. It's really an example again, of this question of how class and racial ethnic differences affect control, that a policy of trying to fertilize the fit and sterilize the unfit I mean, those ideas were very much around. So again, so population policy is caught between the desire to raise the birth rate, and the need to assure hygiene. Because again, if the woman, the new woman, I mentioned right with a smaller family, and her aura, at least, the sexual freedom was seen as a sexual threat and also with a population danger than the quote, old proletarian family, the pre World War One with its many children, particularly under the new conditions of overcrowded housing and married women working with Trinity eugenic, and as a social hygiene danger, because they get, on the one hand, these large families would glorify, but on the other hand, they were perceived as degenerate. So the state was in trouble in terms of its policies. And they understood that they really couldn't carry through a very pronatalist policy realistic. So the next step is to move away from that sort of direct level of state intervention to another aspect of the reaction, which I think is overlap, I think carries with it some of the aspects of resistance, which is the development of you know, of a secretary for movement, a large section four movement, which was pushed by a lot of different groups with different goals, doctors, working class parties, Texas, all of whom were basically seeking legalized abortion versus non sequitur, how many medical Unknown Speaker 22:04 whatever? Well, okay, so, okay, I'm gonna talk Unknown Speaker 22:09 just about the really three wings to the 64 movement, which was the sexy form that was carried out by political parties, like the communists and the socialists, set people. And that was carried out by these really mass working class independent leads, which had about an over 150,000 members, officially, a lot of them are men, we'll get to that in a minute, and a more medical way, which was run by kind of progressive doctors. Now I'm going to concentrate on the doctors, even though that doesn't seem very democratic or bottom of history, because basically, they're the ones who discourse became hegemonic. I mean, they're the ones who really won out in the end. So in terms of figuring out how to resist, we need to know about them. And if you want to know but um, so this medical wing was allied with city governments and also municipal health insurance systems, especially as far as they were socialist or communist dominated. So, the this medical wind, which was composed of progressive doctors, right, swept to alleviate the economic misery of the worst of working class families and also abuse. And they intervene in this ongoing process of family limitation on the assumption that as long as the birth rate was anyway declining, as long as it was inevitable given capitalism, that married women and mothers work at wage labor, then let at least let the birth rate decline in a rational way. Let it be rationalized by increasing medicalization of birth control. Now, what that meant was trying to reduce quack or self induced abortion, by the introduction of more sophisticated methods of contraception, such as the diaphragm, the cervical tap, also the IUD, by the way, which was tested in those clinics, which required a doctor's prescription and supervision. So you know, the theory if they're going if we're going to have fewer workers, than at least let them be strong, healthy and good, sturdy quality. And, you know, maybe in an assembly line, society, you don't need that many workers, you know, industry is becoming increasingly technology so that this movement set up their own birth control and sex counseling centers, which were in competition with a state run marriage, marriage clinics that notice the difference in men. Um, and again, I don't know this might be controversial, but I just want to throw it out. I think that even this development, which was very positive in that it gave a lot of working class women access to medical safe, reliable birth control for the first time. It was also contradictory in terms of the experience and the imposition of control. Surely it represented an advance in health terms. But it was also I think, in a certain sense a setback for women's autonomy and controlling fertility. In other words, it's unfortunate that the imposition of safe birth control happens under the control of primarily male doctors and experts, and that safe, safe birth control was there, and then the process by which it was imposed. Because many of those much maligned backstreet abortion is today against women were constantly being warm, were in fact, female midwives, who had been losing out, they've been losing the best to their livelihood, first of all, by stricter licensing procedures, and also, the fact that they were like babies being born in general. And those days, fewer babies that will be important, more and more were being delivered by applications. Male, right. So. So, you know, I don't want to suggest that abortion is this wonderful feminist experience. But I do want to suggest that in that context, the decision to avoid was the decision made within the context of a Women's Network, which was able to pass information along as you know, a female grapevine and also that abortion, you know, whether we like it or not, is really the one form of birth control that does not require the knowledge, the cooperation, the approval of a doctor or your male partner. I think one reason why abortion offenses are correct, but that's another, okay. Now, we can argue about that. Unknown Speaker 26:41 Okay, but even within this increased medicalization. And what I mean by that is sort of trying to discipline and rationalize procreative and sexual activity by this intervention. There were lots of competition, for example, it was a policy that was carried out by professionals, pushed by the working class movement and by the labor movement, but it was not approved by any means by the state on a national level, or by the medical establishment, which hated it taught as competition, that really economic competition, because the doctors in the clinics was sort of the lowest ranks of the medical profession. They weren't present. You know, they weren't in academic medicine. They weren't in full time private practice. They weren't employees, you know, just like anybody else. I'm the there were a lot of still relatively high number of women doctors, very small and absolute numbers. But given where women doctors work, so again, you have that contradiction that within a movement that moves in to really try to zero in and control certain aspects of people's lives. It also offers an opportunity for certain women professionals to do what they think is socially meaningful work and which was, okay. The other thing that you said, you said, and this is really my last big point is that they provide, they did what I tried to call rationalization of contraception. They also try to educate people into a new understanding of sexuality in general, which, again, which I'm calling the rationalization of sexuality, sort of as a corollary to the rationalization of industry and housework, which began in the 20s. And what that meant was that by the advice given in the center's by the advice, given in the journals and periodicals that were connected with a movement, they attempted to institutionalize certain common, you know, commonly accepted standards of proper, healthy, socially responsible sexual behavior. Basically, what it was from the beginning was sort of an all out attack on female rigidity, which has recently been discovered as a major social problem. And here, I think I'm coming to the intersection of how control by public policy and social institution connects to women themselves, internalizing and perpetuating that control at the same time that they're also benefited. Right. So it's hard. It's like the sexual revolution, it's not easy. So this is the second reform movement intervene to rationalize the birth rate decline, it also intervene to rationally discipline, channel control, changes in sexual mores that were happening anywhere, because the antithesis and this is what we're right, the emphasis of the sexy form movement, and it's maybe not that different from what Ryan and Ellen are talking about. I wish I could hear them was not included in it, right, improving in a technical sense of female sexuality. In other words, female orgasm, but not just anyone that would that would have what if it was the fact that there is already going on widespread family limitation that is increased accessibility of birth control their authorizing abortion status, there is this perceived increase in economic resources for both single and married women. There's a loosening of the family is a growth of whole education and youth group, this some sort of a general erotica zation of the media and culture in the 20s. Right, the roaring 20s The parent increase in pre marital and teenage sexuality, it was critical was sexy from that team, the female sexuality that they claimed they wanted to awaken right to let rise up should be directed into the proper heterosexual path, heterosexual marital path, so that the terms of female sexuality are defined and I would argue this one narrow precisely the point as it becomes maybe technically and economically possible to even try to test it out, to start to live it out to start to imagine what a liberated female sexuality might be. So that sexology ends up sort of scientifically charting the geography of female desire and fulfillment. And I somewhere I have these charts, which are just amazing, right? Well, I can't find them. Today, I'm gonna pass them around in German because you can just look at them I can explain them later. It's all BS. Okay, because the SEC because what the tax reform it assumed was that if men who awakened women sexually that female sexuality sort of fundamentally naturally different from them, right, that were slower to arouse was slower to come. I sexualities more diffused through here, and that men have to be trained to consider women's peculiarities. Now the peculiarity is the clitoris. Right? Unknown Speaker 31:36 And foreplay. That's what this was about. And so, you know, our sexuality basically got squeezed into those little dots on those orgasm curves, where our orgasm map, what do they need? Got this, the man's orgasm, right? And there it was on that little dot, that was the goal. It's like a time motion flowchart or something. And really the goal of all of this mysterious new activity, I mean, this is not a fringe group I'm talking about I'm talking about really a general phenomenon, which is like I said, the girl just sort of mysterious, I could be very simple, simultaneous collider orgasm during intercourse. If they thought before that women sexuality was more diffused, less generally fixated than men. Well, we're going to try to stop that. Right. Exactly. So I'm going to change all that. I know it's a clitoris is never an end in itself, right? It's a means to an end. We all know that, that or knew about that, hopefully. Okay. So it means to a predefined end. And that predicts and that and is really been predefined by men for the most part male sexologist. So again, I would say that sex becomes rationalized, technologized. Certain reliable, presumably reproducible processes are deemed efficient, efficacious and leading for certain crime, the product being mutual orgasm, and by extension, healthy children. Now, I'll explain them. So this is this is the discipline we all grew up with. I mean, maybe we didn't know many of us are younger, maybe we've been working with, you know, bamboo. Belva. Right. You know, first you have, you know, you have the foreplay and then you get down to the serious business of trucking. That's what was the gap. So basically, what I'm trying to say is that sexual techniques and women's right to orgasm, which are good things right, was propagated as a means to stabilize and harmonize the nuclear heterosexual family, maybe I don't know, maybe this is what Reina is, for an Eleanor pulling the social enforcement of heterosexuality. Anyway, the hope was that that making marriage more attractive to women at a time when there was a fear that women might opt out. They would also be more likely to have children. In other words, if you were happier when your marriage sexually, then by extension, you would have children also that good sex produce healthy children. In other words, orgasm is also a eugenic measure. So we have lots of contradictions with this sort of internal level of internal control. Because, you know, female sexuality is recognized, it is encouraged, but on male heterosexual term in defense of the family, and the slogan sounds good, right? The slogan was, there is no such thing as a rigid women only incompetent and insensitive men. Sounds good, right? But what it means, what it means is that female orgasm depends on men. In other words, they were the ones who did it, and we let it be done to us. Probably and I've read lots of reports in clinic, probably a lot of people's sex lives really did improve, you know, that it didn't make a difference in women's lives that men knew this stuff, and that it was that there was a social pressure on them to act that way. But again, there was the loss of that chance to try to experience A woman identified sexuality. So women are supposed to let go, they're supposed to submit to men's newly tender ministration. Rather than figuring out what they might want on their own Plus, they had, the double burden had gotten a new, a new little corner, which was that women were not supposed to lose themselves right in orgasm, but they will also still simultaneously supposed to be on their guard, because they were the ones who were still responsible for contraception. Because interestingly enough, Secretary form the techniques were techniques that men should learn for women, but the birth control methods were female methods that would be used by women. So Edwards, this German friend of mine, says, when we first heard about this, she said, Now, you know, not not not now, not only do they have to do everything that they've had to do before, but now they have to moan also. Unknown Speaker 35:54 Or to Unknown Speaker 35:55 call, you know, absolute coward, say, I had said, you know, we must not think that by saying yes, except when says no to power, I think I think that, in essence, certain assumptions about sex roles in the sexual division of labor, we really internalize. Okay, I'm going to okay, then what that also meant was that there was a tremendous emphasis on eugenics, which I'm going to leave out now, because this is getting getting too long. But just to say that there's an overlap in sexy form between reproductive rights, which would never define as such, and population control. And the major problem, I would argue is that women themselves will never judge confidence to make their own sexual and procreative decision. The decisions about birth control, abortion, sexual pleasure, will generally be much too important to the general welfare for social, you know, social issues, to be left to the sort of unreliable whims of the individual woman, especially if she was pregnant, in which case, no, her Unknown Speaker 36:51 hormones are out of control. Unknown Speaker 36:54 Okay, final thing. The part that I've left out, obviously, is resistance. I talked about crisis and resistance. Maybe we can talk about that a little bit more in the in the discussion, I just let me just quickly say two things about the circumstances under which it was possible for women to join together to resist. And I think the circumstances that made it possible were exactly the same circumstances that made it impossible, or made it difficult because the sector reform movement was spurred by mass working class movements, which were heavily male. And out of that mass working class movements of working class party, the Communist Party and the Socialist Party, were really pushed to take the issue seriously, the issue was seeing as an absolutely fundamental class issue. population policy and sexual politics was central to the political discourse of Weimar and to the political demands of the left in particular, as a class issue. So the fact that this was not seen as women's issues had served directly, not working with women's issues, but not as feminist issues. So had certain advantages. It's well defined the parameters of women's possibility resistance. The advantage was that there was the possibility of reels of unity with men within a strong mass highly organized, working class movements with access to party apparatus, newspapers, propaganda funds, a whole infrastructure, and also that it offers an analysis that saw reproductive rights as part of a general societal analysis that ultimately required revolutionary change. That is not something to be sneered at, in fact, you know, the Communist Party in 1931 engineered a tremendous campaign in favor of abortion rights, which I wrote about elsewhere. But the opposite the disadvantage obviously, came out of that advantage, which was the lack of an authentic feminist perspective. I'm the one who for women to organize and maneuver within this movement, they had a space carved out for themselves. And the fact that abortion was such a central issue meant that women's organization gained a certain legitimacy and visibility, but if the movements got to their knees, if women were never able to really define the issues in their own terms, in other words to do I guess what we have to do now, which is to seize control of the discourse as they needed to seize control of their own individual bodies, not assumptions of a class or a race which were themselves and their goals in life whether or not that included family relationships with men children, were not Unknown Speaker 39:39 okay. Okay, I'm gonna try to do and I until the time a little serious what kind of discussion later on my paper is about the problems of race and gender in the period of crisis that we're talking about American friends in the 1930s. Before I do that, I have to give you a little bit of a background to understand the whole organization that I dealt with. I dealt with the Jewish feminist movement in Germany, an organization that was founded in 1904. And that was ended by the Nazis in 1938. So that's the my title, too, although we can talk about the period. So and I think that later on if you want to end the discussion, let me give you a little better for the early goals of the leadership round one, which I will refer to as a JSP. Because we hear combined German feminist goals, the goals of the German feminist who was very strong, say the Jewish religious and ethnic identity. Interests often differ from German feminists because they were defined by Jewish needs, and often clashed with the Jewish male establishment, because they were defined by feminists leads to JC can teach us a great deal about the class, gender, ethnic religious determinants of women's history, I'm having a problem with the word ethnic, religious, because today when we think of fuses refer to the word efforts a lot, especially when America contacts the Germans, as you know, we refer to it. And so on some level, some of the things that we said this morning about race and gender, have as much relevance to Jewish women in United States and more relevant in my words, my use of the word ethnicity, because in some ways, very historical, that fits in better with the way to study Jews. And the way some do find themselves at that time, it's very complicated. The early goals of the women's movement included videos from this movement include strengthening community practices among Jews, furthering ideals of the German women's movement, demanding participation of women in the Jewish community on the basis of equality with men. Now by that I don't know intuitively religious ritual, I'm talking about the Jewish community because a political community in Germany, Germans had organized religion according to unity before you could release it from every area, there was a product and community of Catholic communities Jewish community, which collected taxes, which organized its own social welfare, educational institution. So I'm talking about politics, I'm not talking about a synagogue or whether women have a right to pray. I'm talking about whether women have a right to decide on certain issues having to do with social welfare education, for which they did still pay taxes. So that's the Jewish community, providing Jewish women with career training, and combating all forms of immorality, specifically the white slave trade. It's my West for women's work and the women's movement, and women's work and old fashioned sense not in the sense of working woman career, but in a sense of sort of social work, what women do social health today, and the women's movement. It began with a with 42 modernizing Jewish Women's charity, I say modernizing because there were hundreds if you within the charity, very old fashioned, local, variable society or gallery club, and these 42 had organizers and leaders who really wanted to make a feminist contribution. The charity organization grew to over 430 such groups clubs by 1929, with a membership of approximately 50,000 women, which is an enormous percentage of the Jewish community that 20% of all eligible women. It was predominantly a middle class housewife organization. That's not a radical movement in any sense, except within a Jewish context, where they were vilified a major campaign to the 1920s. Included, there were three major campaigns, including jobs for women, a campaign which was stepped up as a reaction to the crises of inflation and depression in the 1920s. A campaign which, in which the JSE stress, economic necessity, the fact that there was one in Germany called a Frelon e versus an oversupply of women as a result of all the deaths of men during the war. Unknown Speaker 44:14 And it included psychological and economic independence for women, which was enough in that, so data that a radical state within women needed to psychological independence in the PCs and it was understood through economic independence. They several kinds of organizational institutional activities to promote this. I won't go into that. The second campaign was a suffrage campaign. Their leader Bertha Pappenheim, had been quoted over and over again to saying that Jewish women did not have the rights a 13 year old boy, they fought a 10 to 15 year battle for the vote in the Jewish community. They also demanded participation of women on boards of major Jewish charity, not what they put on the amusement Commission. They were always been totally women, but they were always over in the social function very meaning businesses maybe social incentives party. They warned that the best women were turning to the German feminist movement into German politics, because after 1918 Women could participate actively in German political organizations as outlets for their energy. And therefore they always framed their feminist demand within a Jewish context. They're always the scientists. Right? The hyphen is the height of the Jewish feminist. The third major campaign was the white slave, the campaign against white slavery. It wasn't a general attempt to end the alleged involvement to show that the Jewish feminists was very, very concerned with this issue. And the Jewish establishment didn't want to pick it up at attention. They were afraid of it afraid that was raised and caused more anti semitism. They wanted to deny its existence, they wanted to ignore it. There was a global lightweight Catholic and so this is only a percentage because when the Rio de Janeiro Catholic is only one part of a global staff, it's usually not involved with traveling to Belgium or prayer other areas, but in this particular area, they were and to stay the course that they left from often with this was a Hamburg or Bremen. And to get from east to west in your you have to somehow go confirming most of the time, I'm carrying into assemblers were involved in trying to scan their point of sale. Again, they record all kinds of institutions and programs, systemic effort, whatever stuff about yours. They criticize Jewish laws from a feminist perspective, because they argue that these laws discriminate against women. And that's where they often were in craps is marriages. marriage laws are rather one side if you divorce law or one sided, and it leaves women at a disadvantage, economically and socially. And they're probably tied not only to set up social economic institutions to help remember to try it try to attack truancy laws as such, to give women a Unknown Speaker 47:14 fair share. Unknown Speaker 47:17 They were not successful. The political establishment totally ignored them. After the widespread traffic slowdown during World War One. The founders still use the issue as a red herring to continue institutions and to change marriage. So you still find them in the 90s talking about white slavery when they really need it. They want more jobs for women in Israel. In order to preserve white slavery, we have to have more definitely always I mean, they never leave that until they never knew that the sound was in pre crisis years, gives us an interesting example of the double burden of gender and race ethnicity moved us and being women, for example, in cases such as two dudes were allowed to vote as an 1871 in Germany, but as women, women couldn't vote, so my teammates, so Okay, Jewish men voted 87 One because women don't vote because the women information improved. Then in 1918, they get the vote in Germany, but they have to continue in the 1930s, the fight for the vote in the Jewish theaters, so they're really definitely burdened on both sides. The issue of white slavery is another example as women they fight because they're fighting to protect your sisters. But it's used they worry about exposing Jewish involvement in white slavery for fear of the perfect Semitism that will cause or for fear of giving ammunition to anti Semites who are looking for it anyway. The sound would also highlight the importance of sex among the competing cleavages a class to recruit an ethnic heritage a nation. It points to the commonality of experience among women across national class, ethnic or religious lines, as well as the divisions created by those same identities. The Soundbuds can illuminate six specific conditions with depressed middle class women regardless of religion ethnicity. For example, the sound boy was a member of the German feminist movement supporting all girls who was interned given the solidarity and support of the German from the movement. The founder could learn from them. For Georgia sound crime, they can unite the suffering, they can unite the jobs for women, there were common bonds with the United Way. But feelings of ethnic identity of nationalism fears of anti semitism kept the US Women's a totally integrating into the selling dryness, preferring their own Haven. religious rituals were promoted by the Crown Prince, while all sectarianism in quote was avoided by the birthplace of the German feminist movement. Welcome Jewish women. When I noticed you, they didn't want to talk you through these things, they wanted to talk a woman. So those two women who felt certain Jewish identity would feel uncomfortable in the German movement and was willing to do it. Or there were many people who join both, you know, they will be feminists to defend that service and this movement and that becomes Jewish families in the Jewish movement, there are a lot of other things. Unknown Speaker 50:24 Also, the Friendswood highlights the political and social forces which induce Jewish women to act in solidarity with one another across class lines get into a single generally middle class, but in Germany period is a big minority of Eastern European immigrants who were a proletarian working class women. They act in solidarity with one another across class class and in this case, ethnic lines to German versus Eastern AP Semitism made no distinction between the rich and the poor Jews suggesting all Jewish women to pay for it. That's why it's important to us do that in German could make alliances in times of crisis. But class divisions always remain. There was they were alliances but they were shaking, and often broke down. Now we've gotten to the 1930s. With the growth of anti semitism in Germany and the Nazi seizure power 1933 Does that sound good focuses energy on survival. It was through into the Jewish community even more than before. It intensified social housekeeping efforts. It did not switched dramatically from feminists, to social workers, but it always combined the two elements. In any case, it is self image and its practice. prohibited by the Nazis from articulating a conscious feminist program, the sound would quietly continue to work to improve the lives of Jewish women that expanded this to include the entire Jewish community. Its politics became one of coping and surviving with a question of mourning, which really struck me. Someone asked Cheryl camping guilt, what the choices were for black women to be to work with in the women's movement or to work within the black community, or TCC, that choice is necessary. And he answered that the choices unfortunately, choices will be made for them. She said survival problems flooding to the other survival will be made for them in the case, unfortunately, again, we have a precedent in the Jewish community in which these choices become somewhat meaningless course of choice with purpose. Because they're made from the outside it's a question of who are here survival. However, I want to divide the survival struggle into two areas there is a feminist struggle and there is a Jewish survival struggle I just want to mention that then the struggle which is something that we can I guess, learn something from this is the their own Jewish community. This would be the organized Jewish community, the founders continue to struggle for women's rights, insisting on the representation of women, not just token on the boards of large Jewish organizations, and insisting on women's vote in the community enjoyed all of the major central organizations of the Jewish community who performed under the Nazis and had a fight like hell to get in where advocated to US war veterans, and certainly the other organizations were immediately invited to be part of this major umbrella organizations under the Nazis. The Women's the Jewish women had to fight first they got a compromise that well, we'll let you be on the board as individual but not representing the Cylons work. And then they fought that and they eventually got the the right to represent the women's organizations. They joined the organization servitudes called the rights for tradesmen to coordinate girls education vocational training, including providing tooling to provide the exam finding apprenticeships for girl and placing personnel to express an interest in women's problems regarding jobs and immigration. As far fewer survival was concerned, primarily the Groundlings join other male led organizations in the struggle. These endeavors have several forms and I just want to briefly mention them. One was fighting anti semitism. The other was preventing the disintegration of communal organization ensuring the continuation of Jewish practice and helping EDG and preparing people for immigration. Okay, fighting anti semitism this really takes place before 1973. Estimating previously when the Nazis came to power, they cannot fight anti semitism before 1933 Jewish women look to other women. And that again has some echoes of this morning. They look to non Jewish women to help fight anti semitism can help fight the racism of the period. From the time of the founding in 1904, the fountainhead of women aware of anti semitism it was an anti semitic outburst in the 1880s. In Germany, you had the pogroms in Russia next period, you have the Dreyfus Affair, France and the later period. So many programs were reflected the insecurities of German Jews in the 1920s. The groundwood included the fight against anti semitism if official goal Unknown Speaker 55:09 is produced programs of enlightenment synagogues for the evening with German youth, obviously somebody says a very ineffective because the people who came to the program were not the anti Semites they were trying to reach anyway. But it was a bonding with German women. If the sound would often compare the emancipation of Jews with that, German women and other women asserting that while each group hoped to fit into the dominant society, each had acquired a consciousness of its unique quality, which, if you're free can, it appeals to the women's movement, quote, not for us, but for the idea of a sphere in which we all believe. It also like again, this started in 1933, because the German feminist movement was dissolved and found one had to withdraw even before it was resolved because it had to withdraw from any feminist activities and cannot be emphasized that all the feminist attributes concerns and had to be raised in its own terms which were was successful in its post 1973 Interesting, the Jewish community. Now this is sustaining in a very broad sense, psychological sustenance, what they call collective therapy. It taught well, you have to understand one of the founders was generally religious all along, it's celebrated holidays, kosher homes and things like that. However, in the period in which the Nazis came to power a lot of Jewish women who had never felt or acted or been in any way Jewish except that they were racially declined to to it had no place to go except to the crown. So a lot of non Jewish Jewish women joined the boundary and felt pretty terrible because they're identical with the on the outside as horrible people they were viewed by other Germans as intervention or whatever they had no concept of anything positive about the issue they're only identification with Jewish with with a negative identification. And so for them to found when also began to teach kids Jewish history, who was religion to give them a sort of positive sense of what this is all about, and what's going to fight back with to the area which took on new meaning to the founder and giving also a sense of perspective and a law into a group facing rejection and hopelessness. It provided occasions for people to feel secure among their own these function as collective therapy intended to help us retain some self respect and I think they were successful in their from some of the the reports I've read, the Friendswood was attracted to the need to provide material assistance to people whose social and economic sufficient conditions were deteriorating, as it was of the need for psychological encouragement. The founders aided in the collection of money closing fuel in Berlin, the JSC members scoured the city to ask for donations every month or 18. Collection posts in that city gave approximately 30,000 care packages, arranged according to dietary requirements to needy families. These are in some ways also women specific activity, your activity wouldn't be sort of men running around collecting food and organizing it into kosher versus non kosher versus diabetic etc. These were an extension of women, specifically women social housekeeping activities. It also helps us middle class women adjust to lower standards of living, setting up cooking forces, dirty forces sewing nursing home repair forces, they set up home repair courses for women, because there is this incredible myth which I think it's probably true that Jewish men are not handy, and then they would die. That's what I'm not opinion Aryan men, therefore Jewish women have to learn how to secure my sixth one. Aryan workers would no longer compete with home so this is a serious thing someone has to do it. Anyway, they also wrote your own cookbook reduce with difficulty by meat after the kosher meat laws were epic. The napkins forbade ritual slaughtering, mutual aid was encouraged. Women were urged to specialize in one particular area of housework in order to teach others the sounds of organized communal kitchens children's play circle, communal maid services, and these are really for old and sick people like nurse maid services to help people in communities who couldn't take care of themselves. And they had again what I think is specifically women kind of thing, a female kind of thing. They had dialogue afternoon, where women to discuss their problems and receive advice as well as moral support. Unknown Speaker 59:37 The founder of CDC continues to demand super women, that is, all through the 1920s. Whenever they argued that women are going after jobs, they say, Well, women can do have jobs because mothers and good health round two. They never said they never criticized the role of men. They never argued that women they never saw that what they were asking for the super women ended Nazis, it became even worse because a lot of Jewish men lost their jobs. And a lot of women therefore had to take care of their family provide an emotional, psychological equilibrium in the home and family. This was assumed to be a woman's job. That's I mean, that's not my interpretation. That's fair. That was that was the job. Increase household responsibilities, because they can no longer hire any kind of areas of household help any woman over the age of 45, any area under the age of 45, could network with a Jewish home cooking responsibilities, a lot of foods were available and more to do, especially they could purchase food, but also financial problems, they couldn't go out and buy foods that they might have been prepared more easily there, there were financial sites to be issued to. And now they have men around the house to these men whenever asked by the phone going to pick up a pot and can or to cook an egg. But the women were asked to take care of the psychological depressions of the men. In fact, I've got a couple of articles in regular Jewish newspapers written by men saying okay, you've been there, you know your wives are is doing extra work to support the family, you pick up something, do something around the house. If your wife is working hard or she's away, or she's sick, you can do this to housework to heavy work to wait a few days. I always wanted Finally, another major area that was involved with emigration to retrain girls and women to emigrate to countries as varied as Paraguay, Australia, the United States, to give them the kind of skills they need in those different types of if you teach them about the politics or social issues that were involved with Teddy in particular, always concentrating on women's issues to what we're women's rights, marriage rights in our country, what were the property rights in our country was a very important thing, especially for a single women going over this, the married women to be changed the whole context in which your expectations have been founded. The founder was, as I mentioned, it was dissolved by the Nazis in 1938. And after the November program of Nike 38, the foundling could no longer exist officially, however, many of the members are coming to work with Jewish organizations, or these emigrated helping to bring over passport the children to the countries in which they have emigrated, to which they have emigrated, and others continue to serve Jewish organizations until their own deportation to the death camp. What is the story of the sound would contribute to our understanding of the questions posed by this conference were two of the ones that have been mentioned before are relevant, has differences of racial and ethnic, racial and ethnic differences among women affect the imposition and experience of control? Now, in the period, it's clear distinction between area and into a swimming question of abortion, which is prohibited for Aryan women is not prohibited to do with women and sort of, you know, through the board, so what job he was going to get throughout the job, just because it's really simple, which was mainly to do with a women's thing, access to public facilities, which to which women as women can't go to theaters, park it take it on buses, after certain hours, probably Sam. Ultimately, the human rights of life itself is replete with the same area of interest women. The second question under what circumstances do women organize resist control? And why under some circumstances are they unable to resist the attack and toothless the overwhelming imperialistic Jewish women correctly perceive the need to fight within the Jewish community, PC was first organized and before that, there were other Jewish women who went underground and other Jewish women who went abroad and fought and, you know, I'm dealing with now with a group of middle classes women. In this case, as is often the case, of course, were delineated by outsiders, by the government, not by the women, why the Nazis attack and exploited women as women. And that's a whole other story we haven't really talked about. The repression of Jews was far more horrendous and conservative, giving Jewish women little choice as to which side they belonged on. Further, the Nazis dissolved the liberal women's movement in area women was a bit into a bad move in any case, that women as women could not form any meaningful bonds. Unknown Speaker 1:04:33 think we'd have access Unknown Speaker 1:04:37 to that, but I do want to hear what people have to say I'm a little defensive here having been in now for being the dialectic Unknown Speaker 1:04:49 is noticed think, than I should. Unknown Speaker 1:04:54 But it's true that I find that a helpful thing way of understanding process. And it's true that what I want to do today is more culled out of my research center closely into the research is both a Tina and Marian has done at this conference and this panel who have used the word resistance in a particular way, I would like to use it in a different way, namely in the sense of resistance not to oppression, but the resistance to forward movement to the progressive role of a particular historical dynamic. I think that this is something that I heard Villa say this morning, to some degree that we have to see what's coming down as a resistance to us. You know, that there is a forward movement here and that the resistance is not just us resisting them, but they are resisting. Progress. Glad to hear she struck that note to positing the struggle as resistance to oppression means viewing the oppressor as initiator. It overlooks the fact that oppression heightens when the ruling group feel threatened by a message heard from those that exploit, which I think is Tina was also indicating, if that were not so there would be no need to up the ante, so to speak, we would be in a situation of political status, with stable levels of exploitation and depression. In other words, as I said, we are not repressing them, they are resisting us. Our struggle is a continuing unnecessarily resisted by our oppressors and also sadly, by parts of ourselves, individuals in the collective and even parts of our individual selves our inner resistance to expansion and forward movement. What struggle what forward movement, I'm arguing the two struggles and forward movement of class and gender towards equality. I will argue here that feminism is a child of class struggle, and has evolved with it on both sides of that struggle. It has often been noticed that women are most free to participate in society when there is disruption such as civil or foreign war. Women on both sides of such conflict and trying to participate find themselves both needed and blocked. They become stimulated by that contradiction to feminist insights, even when they seem to be fighting, but not until the 19th century that feminism become a sustained movement to maintain women's participation. This becomes possible as a result of urbanization, increased geographical mobility, and above all, improved communication. And of course, it comes as a result of bourgeois ideology with its assumptions and hypocrisy of formal civil equality on the one hand, and actual political restrictions. On the other hand, articulated socialism is set by the same stream. That's both a spur to organize feminism and the means to make it possible become available at the same time and essentially, and while the target of its organization advancing receive feminism remains at least latently presence throughout. These in the following thoughts are prompted by my current research on German women between the two World Wars. A topic always overhung as we have seen from both the teams and married presentations by the intimations of fascism. To make it true questions died, my particular research one, what would women's relationship to feminism after the vote? Sometimes this is in the form of why does feminism die at the throat and I'm going to say secondly, what was women's relationships increasing and present fascism? German women are particularly accessible to researchers to confirm our Germany was a highly associational society. And many women also organized into groups not only political, but also professional and special interest group. As the foregoing papers has shown, my focus has been on economic interest rates. Last year at this conference, I presented some of my findings about two major organizations one was the pathway of UBI, which peaked at approximately 200,000 200,000 members, and was the largest in the umbrella organization of the Federation of women's organizations, and the set separately organized women white collar workers who averaged about 75,000 members. At that time, I noticed their general conservatism and their proto fascist tendencies. And they're easy co optation. By Nazi ideology of housewifery for the one group and sex segregation for the other group. Further research that I've been conducting on the halfway union has revealed that even these conservative anti feminist women found themselves in the course of the continuing class struggle of the 1920s and 1930s. For example, against their own organized domestic servants. They find themselves pressing for their interests in various public forms, such as parliament, such as chambers of agriculture, such as chambers of commerce, and the press, demanding representation, legitimacy and short of public voice. They began to act like feminist debating strategies to sex separate versus class integrated political activity, and insisting on their importance as women to the larger social good as they defined. Today, I would like to advance some theoretical propositions emerging from this empirical research, they pertain to the nature of feminism, which now seems to me to be more complex than I used to think it was, and it came from forums like this, where I get criticized for saying things and went home and had to think about who more. So, it is important to hear Unknown Speaker 1:11:03 some generalizations about what feminism is not. In my opinion, it is not theory in the sense of a total explanation of humans. Secondly, it is not a position or a program in the sense of final universal and historical goal. Thirdly, it is not merely a perspective either in the sense of the use of a woman's place. So it does include that meaning woman's place, and therefore her view changes in time space, that is historically and culturally, we accept each path point on that line from a moving point, which is a continuation of that line. Secondly, a modest proposal Unknown Speaker 1:11:49 on what feminism is. Unknown Speaker 1:11:52 It is something very obvious. In fact, it's like something we discover something that was really like, you know, I think something we've been saying for over a decade, it is a coming to consciousness, it is a consciousness raising, but but it is a coming to consciousness which has a particular form. That form is of an evolution, which is birth through class struggle, but which advances through a struggle of its own, against resistance, both external in the form of social barriers or male opposition, and internal in the form of psychological barriers, and female opposition. Feminism is the growing awareness of boundaries now precede the surmountable, which creates opposition that is anti feminism not only to the movement, but to the very idea Secondly, egalitarian perception, founded in the consciousness of women as separate cells, which derived from women's actual activity in other struggles in the United States, abolitionism for example, in Europe more clearly class conflict, and becomes articulated as an ideology of gender equality. In other words, feminism derived from all these relationships with the social world, and then self consciously aimed at further alterations in such relationships. Put another way, feminism is in dialectical relationship to the social world. At each encounter, however, it confronted resistance, anti feminism, and complete and compelled it also to take take some healthy anti feminism also subtypes and historical sites. It creates its own articulated opposite, in conscious anti feminism. In the ensuing struggle, however, women join the resistance. That is to say anti feminism must also transform their relationship to the social world. By taking public action, they help break down the very barriers they have chosen to defend. But feminism has grown from a relatively elite movement in the 19th century to a much more broadly based movement in the 20th century with global repercussions. This has happened not just through a trickle down effect, nor simply through osmosis, or accommodation or any other poor interpretation, but the constant active struggle with its own negation. Just this class struggle is continuous, but it flows the historical moments into over class conflict. So feminism has a similar dialectical movement in between historical moments of articulated programmatic feminism with a capital S, such as occurred in the second half of the 19th and 20th century, feminism was a slower process, consolidating and integrating with games assessing its losses until new barriers are experienced, and then it emerges again with a capital S with a newly articulated program. But when we discovered that the vote was not enough We will discover that the era is not enough if we are getting as have women in the socialist countries where era have long been constitutionally enshrined, each new program will have to address the particular historical and cultural situation within which a feminist consciousness comes into being, until a social infrastructure obtain, that allows women also to come to full potential. And until a social norm accommodates our life cycle, whether its reproductive implications as well as men. The models I had in mind on perceiving feminism as a process of coming to consciousness through struggle, as well as the fully developed consciousness of feminism itself are the dialectical ones of Hegel, Marx and Freud, an unholy patrimony all of whom is a contradiction as a very engine of movement, rather than as a stumbling block to advance. The psychoanalytic model shows struggle in the individual arena. Here, material rising from the unconscious to the conscious mind don't go against the strong pull of resistance. So we know. Progress in psychoanalysis is not smoothly linear, to proceed with nauseating ways to progress. Unknown Speaker 1:16:33 balancing out the long faces in the limbo of hashtags. Each of us as feminists experiences such resistance to full awareness. Each of us is one unit in a collective, however, which collectively undergoes that experience as well. Hey goes model in his phenomenology of mind analyzes human evolution of consciousness, over time, as coming out of the externalized conflict relations of flavors of master. According to this view, the enslaved human realizes his own humanity in two ways and I use agenda. One so his activity is labor, which revealed to him his creative self, who transformed aspects of the natural world and to objects to social media. Secondly, he realizes his humanity through his relationship to his master, of whom he is by necessity aware, as he is under the massive power. The Master, by contrast, need not labor, and need not recognize the separate person or humanity as a slave, since the master regards the slave as a serving appendage of himself. That's according to Hegel, human history begins from the flavor of the throat of master and continues his journey of coming to consciousness as a human being engaging with the natural and social world to continuously transform through interaction. For women, the historical process in that model would involve not two, but four parties, the maximum mistress, the slave man and the slave woman, the slave woman that encountered three opposition's of whom she is by necessity aware, so they are not aware of her. She also experiences the double creativity of producing and reproducing better a transforming natural and human material and social ends. If we follow this model, it becomes no wonder that feminists have become so conscious of the nuances of oppression, and that the oppressor and also no wonder that the structure of the struggle has been historically so protracted. And so like. The Marxian model is historically more precise, I think, Julian it allows us to identify particular historical situations in which both class and gender struggle occur, and how they relate to one another. In this view, class struggle reflect changes in social organization that attends major changes in the mode of production, and conversely, affect such changes in turn. In the process, workers become increasingly conscious of their role and move to assume full responsibility over and over the fruits of their labor. Historically, organized class conflict has given rise to organize gender conflict, but circumstances will determine which becomes primary for women. So far, it appears that in heightened economic crisis, class prevails as the main determinants of the majority of women. At other times, first class alliances have been possible for special issues relating to all women. I am now proposing that in feminist movements, even anti feminist female opposition becomes part of the overall feminist movement as its opposite but necessary pole, but paralleling the Marxist view that All history is a history of the working class coming to consciousness into power. So women's history is the history of feminism, and that the resistance to it is part of the process. Concretely, this means that in fighting feminists, female anti feminist become more like their opponents, and actually 50 advance of feminism. This may be hard to accept. Often on that one, in one individual lifetime resistance of this sort is subjectively experienced as success. Unknown Speaker 1:20:38 Do it slightly in an either by him or not our sisters. But this is a short term view, I argue, in the long term, the female collective has events and the resistance has been absorbed, but he wasn't today would return the vote, or eliminate themselves from higher education. And the new level of struggle, both terms of the old struggle are included, but transcendence. That's a new feminism encountered a new anti feminism with some unresolved old issues and some new issues, and today's anti feminist and counter resistance to their public role as well. I mean, O'Brien has had the Chrome in public. The 20th century movement built on the 19th century movement was an intervening period from 1920 to 1960, which appears as social animation for feminism, but in which actually, when you look closely within my area of research, you see that things are being integrated losses are being assessed, and messages are being conveyed generationally. The period I have studied the 1920s and 1930s in Germany indicate intense class and gender struggle. So the official feminist movement of the pre World War one period was comatose. The law was digested, the process continues to explode again in our generation, the current crisis of capitalism where the reorganization of an already set segmented labor market, and the civil rights movement of the 1960s, which reflected that unrest have raised feminist consciousness to a new programmatic level or the second wave of feminism. The change is hard to assess, and we are measuring a moving line from a point on that line. But the dynamics of the process are becoming more visible. Technological progress, and social differentiation has given us options. Our grandmothers never had that as a historical game, but have further sedimented women for the bottom of a more differentiated social hierarchy, widening the gap with men, which then becomes a simultaneous law. This contradiction gave rise to the subjective experience of relative deprivation, which in turn, and gender contemporary feminism. In short, it is not nearly the experience of constant oppression, that the fruitful contradiction of gain and loss of ambiguously met expectations coming out of previous struggle that has birthed our movement. This movement progresses to combat into resistance against it, especially that of women and that from within ourselves. All honest consciousness raising has shown us our drag our own great refusal to move forward wholeheartedly into full responsibility. We carry the struggle inside of ourselves, and our regressions are part of our events. To conclude, Unknown Speaker 1:23:37 what is tennis Unknown Speaker 1:23:39 and who is affected? I have argued that feminist and anti feminists are an opposite pole of a historical process of feminism, which is defined as a coming to consciousness. The inertial middle unfeminist response responds also to the struggle, creating liberal carry within them the contradiction. Usually they wish to the end, without being willing to mean they walked through holes and walls broken by radicals. They are not frontline feminists, but I would include them just saying, this is the real line. It's also part of the army and just as our internal resistance to our individual rationality, which is all the consciousness is part of our of our individual identities. So feminism is ultimately the collective struggle of all women, a preemptive rejoinder against charge, that this view is too optimistic. In another form, for the most part, I have not tried to gauge the future. We're on a frontier and no pioneer to know what lies beyond I have nearly tried to grasp the historical process we have already gone through and attempted to note the From, we can trace an interrupted feminism whose history we are now reconstructing on a more conscious plane than most of our ancestors could reach. But we see further because we stand on the shoulders of giants. Unknown Speaker 1:25:25 But we're not doing so badly if we stay until if we can hang out until 325. Yeah. Corner. Question. Yes, please. Unknown Speaker 1:25:46 I want you to ask a question. And then two quick ones, from what point of view would be derive the statement that lengthy center seminars Unknown Speaker 1:26:06 I'm sorry, I'm really sorry Unknown Speaker 1:26:11 to disappoint redirecting your senses with the 90 senses and the movement of life, the Unknown Speaker 1:26:19 moment and the vantage point of the present, which is to say that I think today we have not only absolutely more numbers, but a larger proportion of whether you consider themselves in a mental, like content from you know, from your own Unknown Speaker 1:26:33 perspective. And as your paper has given, you set the scene to include time in their own time. But for their own time, it wasn't the middle class, because it was excluded from the vast number of women. I'm talking about 19th century in England, as well as in Germany and the Scandinavian countries. Unknown Speaker 1:27:00 Let me just give an answer more to Germany alone, and maybe married people relaxing arguments, because I mean, just worked at and who has a real answer, to get the total. net worth in my consensus. I recently read a paper, I think, a pretty good recent article by a British historian called Richard Evans on the worldwide social women's movement. In German, I thought that was a pretty fair treatment of the ways in which those two movements sometimes came together and sometimes by basically could not connect very long. It's something like it's attend to what I think Mary and I felt as a narrative as to what does this have to do with women? You know, they close the gym, but you're actually on a class on the boudoir, women's movement. Let me ask you this in another way. For me, it's it's my way. I'd say what's happening there is that good? Well, women are part of a class that has power and we'd love to share and my siblings would like they know that they don't share the privilege of amendment, socialist women or women of a disadvantaged minority will notice that they are part of a group in which the whole group does not participate in power. And that means that their struggle is always doable, therefore they don't bound as mono feminine. You know, they can't focus on that issue alone, they Unknown Speaker 1:28:24 have to. And Unknown Speaker 1:28:27 so both these guys were compelled to look at another issue. And so I think that to the degree that the German women's movement, and most of the women's movements were led, there were two movements there wasn't it, there was a boudoir, women's movement and the socialist women's movement, the boudoir, women's movement, were the most self conscious and purely feminist because that was a major struggle. And by definition, I think they came out that way. And the socialist women's movement, which included feminism in their agenda also had to address address other items. So they don't sound too sentimental. Everything mind to other people might have other. You want to do that. Unknown Speaker 1:29:03 Well, I asked me, Did you hear the question? I'd be curious to hear to hear your responses. Unknown Speaker 1:29:11 Your question was why why Renata talked about 19th century feminism as being more elite was that Yeah. I said when Unknown Speaker 1:29:21 she comes on to were designated as an elite or elite on its own right. Without as compared to the 20th century. Unknown Speaker 1:29:34 Well, wasn't intensive, so faster mostly. Unknown Speaker 1:29:44 Came from middle class, fairly privileged backgrounds background, there were in fact attempts to renew your rhetoric in working class with the fact that many of the words of Class movement as that was pretty well monopolized by the Socialist Party Unknown Speaker 1:30:13 the working class which did not look at all favorably toward middle class women who wanted to come up with motors reasonably or otherwise, about middle class women who were interested in working class, women, and their problem is all wrapped up in this possibility, Socialist Party partying and the rest of it, and vice versa with the rest of the political society where there was the gap much greater than anything we can comprehend and our political system between those who identify themselves as part of the five Socialist Party plus, after all, under was banned for a number of years. There's a real reason for German socialists to feel as though they were not really part of the guy